Text of Comments by The Rt.Hon. Lord Howell of Guildford, Deputy Leader of the Conservative Opposition, Lords, former Secretary of State for Energy , President of the British Institute of Energy Economists and Chairman of the Windsor Energy Group to the Major Energy Users’ Council (MEUC) 20th Anniversary Meeting, Guildhall, Friday November 23rd 2007.

Better Thoughts for Bali: Towards Energy and Climate Realism
Huge changes are taking place in the world’s energy mix, with traditional supplies increasingly threatened and demand for primary energy – oil, gas and coal – roaring ahead faster than ever – notably in China and India ,but also in a number of more advanced countries such as Spain. Oil consumption has never been higher and has exceeded all forecasts. The world is now consuming well over 1000 barrels of crude oil every second. It will grow further.
There are enormous dangers and great confusion in this energy transition. In particular there is confusion in the minds of energy policy planners as they are surrounded by talk of a post-oil age – which is nonsense as we can see - or about the world running out of oil -,also very misleading. The cheap oil form the Middle East giant desert fields may be running down, and the new fields and deposits may be both more remote and pose still greater difficulties when it comes to transit and delivery. So the spectacularly cheap oil of the past may be peaking or running down. But huge resources of both oil and gas , sufficient for decades ahead, remain.

Faced with all these predictions the energy planners turn to alternatives. But here the dilemmas are even greater. Which energy technologies should they back? Do they go for nuclear power expansion., with all it political problems and its long lead times? Or for biofuels, many of which use as much energy to grow as they themselves produce and force up food prices (although not all, as we shall see)? Or is wind the answer, despite the obvious environmental desecration and the unknowable problems of offshore wind farms and the transmission of their electric current? Or is it back to King Coal, despite the dirt? Or has the hour of solar power arrived, of which the deserts can supply unlimited quantities –at a price? Or can we achieve far more by just doing without – by massive energy saving and new lifestyles and industrial technologies?
All have their advocates but all also have their heavy downsides, both environmental and, of course, in cost terms.

No wonder we hear the voice of Sir Humphrey so loud, advising nervous Ministers to avoid taking decisions at all costs and stick to the safe cover of unending reviews and consultation papers..

The situation is further confused by climate change issues – with the most committed low carbon crusaders wanting to push energy supply matters to the back of the queue, the intention being that industry and consumers must be compelled to pay more for the external costs of energy burned.
In fact amongst climate experts energy is depicted as THE villain of the piece, with all fossil fuel consumption slain so that somehow, over the next three or four decades, carbon emissions can be curbed and the planet saved.
This, in their book, is the priority, the greatest challenge, to be put well before the needs of commerce and the aspirations of the millions in developing countries who long for rapid growth and need cheaper and more reliable energy supplies. This is the spirit which guides the architects of Kyoto 2 and Bali .

Unfortunately there are some very inconvenient truths which stand in the way of these ambitions.

1) China and India are apparently to be excluded from the full carbon ceilings and controls. Both the Chinese and the Indians have anyway made crystal clear that they will not accept mandatory caps on their energy consumption growth, to meet a problem which they claim has been caused entirely by the already developed nations .Yet according to the IEA, China will be much the largest emitter of CO2 in the world by 2030.

2) Even in Europe, big energy users like steel and cement are arguing to be exempted from controls or penalties. And worldwide, the lobbies for agriculture, air travel and maritime operations are all pressing to be excused.

3) All are agreed that there is no hope of curbing emissions growth without a world authority to ration out carbon allowances – and that needs not just a kind of world administration but also agreed methods of deciding how to measure emissions – which do not exist – and which emitters to restrain – which no-one has agreed even within individual nations, let alone on a global scale. Nor is there even agreement on which parts of the supply chain an emitting concern should be charged for.

4) The time-scales are all wrong. Energy security problems are here and now. Yet even the most committed climate campaigners admit that actions taken now to limit CO2 cannot possibly have any impact for at least 30 years ahead. In between now and then we are going to have appalling weather extremes, but they are pre-programmed by CO2 already in the atmosphere. We can prepare for and adapt to these, and we must. But they cannot be stopped.


Politicians love targets , and setting ‘more ambitious’ ones when current ones fail. But each of these bald facts confirms that when it comes to carbon reduction targets, new laws, regulations, permits and pricing devices we are living deep in cloud cuckoo land – in cloud cuckoo land profonde. There is no way that these schemes and policies, riddled as they are bound to be with exceptions , can reduce carbon growth. Scientists tell us that emissions are now rising three times faster than expected. With present approaches this will continue –and we will al have a right to be very angry when that happens.
The reality is that without China and India fully on board, all our Western efforts to curb carbon growth will be nugatory, marginalised, however noble our example. Unfortunately the global atmosphere does not just sit in puddles over the virtuous nations, it envelopes the globe.
If we anyway make massive exceptions our example will be a dismal one.
As for a global scheme, just think hard about the nature of the global authority which will be needed, and the common methods required to measure carbon emissions and allot permits – when we have hardy even mastered that on a national scale.
Then ponder on the latest President Sarkozy view. Here he is ‘ defending the principle’ that there should e ‘carbon compensation’ at EU borders – in other words he is saying that the impoverished developing world should have markets closed against it at the very moment when it needs export income and when its own energy needs are soaring.
These needs will be met, of course, mainly by coal, of which vast deposits exist inside China and India which they intend to burn in strings of new coal-fired power stations. I believe China is building a new one every week.

There is absolutely zero chance of reducing emissions, whether the growth in the present annual rate, let alone the absolute volume already in the atmosphere, until and unless a commercial technology is found for cleaning coal and capturing and storing the CO2. None is in sight. This is not climate denial, it is climate realism and those of us who genuinely want to see global warming contained have a right to insist that our policy makers be brought down to earth.


The truth is that almost all these initiatives and schemes to ration and price carbon, or to impose legally binding world mandatory caps, are either pure pie in the sky or are diverting us dangerously down the wrong track – a fact about which people will grow very angry when they discover they have been mislead by world authorities and leading statespersons.
I should add , incidentally, that many carbon offsetting schemes have been proved, by a heroically brave Financial Times exposé, to be scams which take the money but offset nothing. For example, even the proclaimed Gleneagles scheme of 2005 , which was going to offset all that carbon used by the attendees flying in, has achieved nothing.
With these types of policies to the fore we are going to see carbon emissions GROW rather be halted or shrink. If climate threats are real, and I believe they are, the advocates of these policies will be guilty of gross dereliction of their proper duties.

And what are those real duties?
First and foremost, the imperative needs of an energy hungry world must be met. It is no use telling the impoverished billions they must pay more or cut carbon emissions. They want to pay less, not more. . New hydrocarbon sources must be found and developed to ease the danger of excessive Middle East oil reliance. The Caspian, the Arctic, Eastern Siberia and the non-conventional sources in Canada are all full of promise. And even here in Northern Europe we should reverse the myopic tax policies which are harming a further big contribution from the North Sea province.
Second, it is the duty of all to adapt and prepare, to do our utmost to protect ourselves and the world’s poor from the devastating climate violence which is coming anyway, pre-programmed and driven by CO2 already in the atmosphere. It is coming (and in Bangladesh has already arrived) and when the floods intensify and climate extremes become more frequent, no-one is going to thank the policy makers for their long range targets and footprint measurements.

The third duty is to switch the whole emphasis of both research, of price signals and of market forces on to the central and immediate issues of energy saving, energy efficiency and energy security. The ‘big three’ are nuclear plant design, transport propulsion and design and carbon capture and storage . Progress on those three fronts will have a real climate and carbon impact. Without that progress all our other efforts will be marginal.

By far the most powerful force making for change in the energy use pattern, and in lifestyles and industrial methods, is the rising cost of energy – especially the near-$100 barrel of oil and the prospect of it staying at these heights for many years to come. In a sense the signal could be even stronger, since the currency exchange rates and the duties on refined products mask the increase.
Of course the medium and long term oil price is impossible to predict, but no-one should forget that last time, in the eighties, it was the collapse in the price of oil in 1985-86 which destroyed the whole momentum for energy reform and efficiency throughout the world, with nuclear plans abandoned and Detroit giving up on compact cars and going back to worse gas-guzzlers then ever. I doubt this will happen again, because the geo-political risks are so high, Russian behaviour is so unpredictable and the Middle East is in such unstable chaos.. But we cannot be sure and we must have the policies in place to meet that eventuality. None are in place at present.
The expected price of crude oil is the real driver which guarantees that renewable technologies will become economic – especially solar power - , that new and truly economic vehicles will reduce transport sector hunger for oil drastically, that Carbon capture an storage will become economic, and that safe nuclear power becomes an attractive capital investment.
The mineral oil price is also the real driver in a shift to plant-based oils. The car owner does not care where petrol comes from; he or she wants the cheapest. That probably means lifting all trade barriers to cheap and energy efficient Brazilian sugarcane-based oil, instead of subsidising inefficient wheat-based or beet-based European farm products. But who dares suggest that?

With a bit of realism we might begin to see the growth of carbon checked. Then we will see consumers of energy everywhere, desperate to cut their energy and utility bills, really shift, world wide, to a different , and much lower carbon, energy mix.
I am not against taxes to encourage energy efficiency. Heaven knows we have a massive one on gasoline already. It may be that a carbon tax, IF it can be administered fairly and world wide somehow, would help at the margin. At least industrial investors would then have a clear fixed carbon price on which to plan – something they seriously lack at present. BUT THE EMPHASIS HAS GOT TO BE ON PRACTICAL INCENTIVES AND NOT ON PENALTIES.
Even if we were sure that oil prices would stay really high there is, of course, no hope at all of reaching the EU, and UK, target of 20 percent of energy from renewables by 2020 –unless nuclear power is included in the renewables category, which of course it ought to be.

But meanwhile where is the urgency in these practical and immediate areas, where something could be done in a far shorter time scale than even the most enthusiastic carbon crusaders can offer?
Nuclear power decisions are being delayed; carbon capture problems not yet resolved, or properly priced; the right biofuels developments being blocked by farm politics; wind farms distorted by subsidies and understandable environmental objections – and with huge transmission grid problems to come.
The answer is that those who should be putting all their efforts behind truly green developments, and ones that are going to produce results and gain full grass roots support, are busy devising hare-brained schemes and world visions for GLOBAL carbon measurement and control which can never be realized. They are fiddling while Rome burns. And for that they wIll be remembered – and I fear reviled.

Meanwhile , our immediate and serious energy security problems are unresolved, the full preparations and protection we need against imminent climate violence is not in place, There is massive work here for those who put realism before posturing and pop concerts, and for practical, down-to-earth, and realistic politicians and administrators.
Unfortunately these are few and far between..
ENDS




 

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